Published on the occasion of the "Coalition Against Disinformation" Conference in Washington, DC by author and speaker Dietmar Pichler,
Director of the Disinfo Resilience Network, Vienna
Russian Influence and Interference in Europe and the West: An Overview
Russian foreign interference takes many forms. It includes overt propaganda, such as fabricated images or deepfake videos circulated online, as well as more subtle narratives, like portraying "the threat of NATO expansion" to frame Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine as a response to alleged "provocation." Generally, Russia employs a range of tactics to demonize Ukraine, aiming to erode international support for Ukraine and reduce backing for sanctions against the Russian Federation.
The Kremlin relies on an extensive network of "agents of influence" and "useful idiots" in the West, which includes professors, politicians, authors, and journalists. While Western discourse on foreign interference often centers around social media, Russian narratives are also woven into universities, mainstream media, books, round-table events, and so-called "peace rallies."
Many individuals influenced by the Soviet Union's "active measures" program continue to hold anti-Western and pro-Moscow sentiments. The traditional subversive methods of the KGB remain in use, now augmented by new technologies like troll farms, fake websites, and digitally altered materials. Key target groups for Russian disinformation campaigns include the far left, the far right, those with business interests in Russia, conspiracy theorists, and substantial segments of the "peace movement.
Russian information warfare extends far beyond the invasion of Ukraine, targeting not only nearby nations like Moldova and Georgia but also major democracies with a long-standing history, such as the United States. This expansive propaganda machine is crafted to manipulate elections, deepen societal divisions, and amplify existing tensions within these countries. By weaving disinformation through every available channel, it seeks to destabilize and exploit vulnerabilities, making both new and established democracies susceptible to its influence.
Russian interference follows two primary goals regarding the perception of Russian foreign policy. First, it aims to convince as many people as possible that Russia is justified, placing the blame on the West for current conflicts and portraying Kremlin policies as supportable. Although achieving this is challenging due to the overwhelming evidence against such claims, the second—and more successful—goal of the Russian interference campaign is to create widespread confusion. The intent is to reach a point where people no longer know what to believe. The campaign attempts to manufacture multiple, conflicting realities, fostering a mindset where people may conclude that "both sides" are to blame—a perspective that does not reflect reality and shifts responsibility partly away from the Russian aggressor. In both cases, the result is that people are less supportive of Ukraine and of the sanctions imposed on Russia.
It is also important to consider the subtle propaganda that the Russian Federation, in alliance with its allies, is practicing. This subtle messaging includes statements like “look how safe Russia is,” “how well-stocked Russian supermarkets are,” and, in alignment with Chinese propaganda narratives, “Western media is lying to you.” Russia is also actively promoting the narrative of "BRICS+" as a counterweight to the so-called "Collective West," framing it as a kind of "emancipatory bloc" against "Western hegemony" and in favor of a multipolar world.
This narrative impacts not only the Global South and BRICS+ partners but also particularly resonates with the far left, the “Anti-Imperialist Scene” in the West, and the so-called “Anti-Colonial” movement. These movements, however, often overlook Russia's long history of imperialism, both within and beyond the borders of the current Russian Federation.
The current discourse in the West is influenced not only by Russian narratives and disinformation but also by certain facts that are insufficiently highlighted: the terror imposed by the Russian occupation regime, the daily genocidal propaganda in Russian state media and educational systems, and awareness of what actually happened in 2014. That year, Russia not only annexed Crimea but also initiated a (semi-)covert invasion of Donbas, involving groups like the Wagner Group, other militants, “soldiers on vacation,” and Russian intelligence officers (e.g., Girkin, Borodai). This escalation led, among other consequences, to the downing of passenger airliner MH17.
These facts are essential for an accurate assessment of the situation, underscoring that resilience against Russian narratives and disinformation is closely linked
to a well-informed society.
The Russian Orthodox Church and Russian Interference in Europe
The modern history of the Russian Orthodox Church's transformation into a tool controlled by the Moscow government began at least during the USSR, when the current Patriarch Kirill served as a KGB agent. During the Soviet era, the Orthodox Church was widely infiltrated by Soviet intelligence officers.
After the fall of the Soviet Union, the propagandistic influence of the Russian Orthodox Church expanded, reaching beyond the borders of the Russian Federation. The Church advocates for a "Symphonia" between church and state, rejecting a clear separation of the two. The ideology of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) is not confined to spiritual matters but is closely tied to political issues, such as Russian nationalism and the promotion of the "Russki Mir" (Russian World). The ROC also glorifies the Russian Empire under Tsarist rule. Following the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church denied the criminal nature of the invasion and called for Ukraine’s destruction, framing the invasion as a “Holy War” aimed at erasing Ukrainian independence and imposing direct Russian control. In 2024, it was declared: "From the spiritual and moral point of view, the Special Military Operation is a Holy War, in which Russia and its people are defending the single spiritual space of Holy Russia."
This fusion of war propaganda with religious rhetoric is not new. Russian Orthodox priests are well known for blessing weapons and military equipment. The Metropolitan of Yekaterinburg and Verkhoturye likened the "Special Military Operation" to a surgical procedure, where something deadly must be removed, calling it a "healing."
For years, the Russian Orthodox Church has amplified ultra-conservative, anti-Western, and anti-Ukrainian narratives, as well as radical homophobic attitudes and imperialistic views, which it uses to justify Russia’s war of aggression. The Church expands its influence through affiliated organizations such as the Center for Religious Studies in the name of Hieromartyr Irenaeus of Lyons, a Russian non-profit, non-governmental, anti-sectarian organization founded by Alexander Dvorkin, who has described Orthodox Christianity as the "only direct way to God." The Russian Orthodox Church is a deeply political, propagandistic organization, strongly connected to the Kremlin and aligned with the ideology of Russian imperialism.
The Russian Orthodox Church is highly active in political matters, participates in propagandistic activities, and maintains a strong connection to the Kremlin, aligning itself with the ideology of Russian imperialism, as evidenced by several statements.
The ROC is also connected to the Center for Religious Studies named after Saint Irenaeus of Lyons, a Russian anti-cult organization founded in 1993 with the endorsement of Patriarch Alexy II and led by Alexander Dvorkin. The Center for Religious Studies named after Saint Irenaeus of Lyons has faced criticism for potentially emphasizing Orthodox Christian perspectives over neutral research, raising questions about its objectivity and the separation between religion and state. Observers have noted that, while the center aims to educate about “totalitarian sects,” its methods are sometimes viewed as emotionally charged and have led to notable legal disputes.
Internationally, local branches of the Russian Orthodox Church generally do not communicate as openly or radically as their headquarters in Moscow. However, they maintain close cooperation with local Russian embassies. In Germany, for example, the Russian Orthodox Church commemorates May 9th—the date marking the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany—together with Russian diplomats. This event is often criticized for diverging from its historical focus on the defeat of fascism, instead becoming a more nationalistic celebration with Russian propaganda symbols, like the St. George Ribbon.
The Russian Orthodox Church also serves as a co-host for events with the Russian embassy, such as the "Russia Street Festival" in Vienna. In another instance, the Russian embassy promoted a "3D tour of the Russian Orthodox Cathedral in Vienna" via an official press release. Statements from the Church have occasionally raised concerns for containing language that one could interpret as ultra-conservative or even bordering on hate speech, rather than a message of hope. For example, in an official release regarding the COVID-19 pandemic:
"Once again, God shows His mercy and patience with our kind. But humanity refuses to listen and acknowledge its dependence on divine help and grace. Humanity seeks to replace God with itself, thoughtlessly interfering in the world—God’s creation—and human nature. Now humanity, through legalizing euthanasia, rejects the time of death appointed by God. It denies the God-given distinction between men and women, each with their own unique vocation; it does not accept childbirth as a natural part of life; and it no longer allows crops to grow naturally. Is it surprising, then, that new diseases emerge, and that no treatments are available to ease the fate of those infected?"
It is evident that the Russian Orthodox Church does not limit its focus to spiritual matters alone, extending its influence to promote specific ideologies among Russian Orthodox communities internationally.
Autor: Dietmar Pichler is a Vienna-based expert on foreign interference and disinformation
Twitter/X: @dietmarpichler1 E-Mail: d.pichler@borsh.eu
Pichler is the Director and founder of the "Disinfo Resilience Network", a Vienna-based organization dedicated to connecting experts from various fields to exchange information and develop strategies to counter foreign interference by authoritarian regimes.
www.disinforesilience.eu
Support Disinfo Resilience Network. Link GoFundMe